Are you better off today than you were 10 years ago? Some version of
that is a favorite question of politicians looking to oust the party in
power. As of today, if the “you” refers to American adults with a
high-school education or less, and if the “better off” refers to the
most basic measure you can think of—whether you are alive or dead—the
answer is a shameful “no.”
Last month I blogged about a study that underlined how we truly are Two Americas (though the idea never gained traction for John Edwards this primary season). That study found that, since
the early 1980s, death rates in wealthy counties of the United States
have fallen—but those in poorer ones have stagnated or risen, despite
the huge strides in disease prevention and treatment. Those are just
not reaching the poor. Now another study uses a different proxy for
“haves” or “have-nots”—education—and reaches another shameful
conclusion: the gap in death rates between Americans with less than a high school education and college graduates has soared since 1993, they will report tomorrow in the May 14 issue of PLoS One.
The scientists analyzed death certificates (which indicate the last
year of schooling that the person completed, as well as cause of death)
for blacks and whites between the ages of 25 and 64. The age cut-off
was chosen because, for older generations, education is not as strong a
proxy for socioeconomic status—class—as it is for younger ones.
The numbers are shocking. Among white men who did not graduate from
high school, there were 837 deaths per 100,000 of them in 1993; that
same year, only 285 white men with college degrees died per 100,000 in
this age group. But it gets worse. In 2001, those respective rates were
931 and 213—the death rate for less-educated white men had risen, while
that for college grads had fallen. Do the math: white men who did not
graduate from high school were dying at a rate 2.9 times that of college grads in 1993—and at a rate 4.4 times higher in 2001. For black men, the comparable mortality rates were 2.1 times higher in 1993 and 3.4 times higher in 2001.
For white women who never graduated from high school, the death rate
was 422 per 100,000 in 1993, and for white women with a college degree
it was 165. In 2001? It rose to 553 per 100,000 in the first group, and
dropped to 146 in the highly-educated group. Breaking that down, the
death rate from cancer among white women with only 12 years of
education rose 1.1 percent per year during the period studied; for
heart disease and stroke, it rose 1.8 percent per year among these
women. All three of these diseases have become more preventable and
more treatable—but, apparently, only for some.
Conclusion: the widening death gap was due to sharp decreases
in mortality from all causes—but especially in heart disease, cancer
and stroke, all of which have benefited from new forms of prevention
and treatment—among the most educated. The less educated have benefited
hardly at all from medical progress.
Why are the death rates from the major causes of death falling among
the educated but rising among the less educated? Think of lower
educational attainment as a marker of social and economic class—which
has become a big issue in the presidential campaign, as Clinton grabs
the votes of those lower on the socioeconomic ladder and Obama gets the
votes of the higher-ups. The have-nots are not only poorer; they also
are less likely to have health insurance or stable employment, which
means little to no preventive care, and lower health literacy. The last
factor means less likelihood of knowing when some small symptom means
big trouble, and greater difficulty navigating the medical system.
Those with less education are also more likely to smoke, be obese, get
little exercise, and suffer from high blood pressure due to the stress
of unemployment.
“Risk factors are higher in less well-educated groups, and they have
less access to preventive medicine and treatment,” says Ahmedin Jemal
of the American Cancer Society, who led the study.
The death gap isn’t going away. In 2005, the most recent year the
researchers analyzed, the all-cause mortality rate for those with less
than a high-school education was 3.2 times higher than that for people
with even some college.
The poor will always be with us, as the saying goes, and so will
inequality in education. But other countries have socioeconomic
inequality also—with no comparable death gap, says Jemal, because they
do not make access to health care (especially non-emergency and
preventive care) contingent on having health insurance. Two Americas,
indeed.