Seth Colter Walls
|
Jan 7, 2008 03:52 PM
With news of U.S. and Iranian ships passing uncomfortably close in
the night off the Strait of Hormuz over the weekend, it's time once
again to consider what's on the minds of the power-brokers in Tehran.
Was the incident the result of rogue Revolutionary Guard ship
commanders or part of a deliberate escalation by Iran? That the
incident was announced by the Pentagon is noteworthy, as Iran might
have been expected to toot its own horn, were it proud of the
maneuvers. (Think of the drama it whipped up over the British seamen
captured in the same waterway back in 2007.) This time, the official
line from Tehran is that this was the "normal" kind of bumper-to-bumper
traffic in the strait.
This is the foreign policy parlor game that used to be called
"Kremlinology" during the old Cold War, and has no name at all now. But
all intelligent guessing aside, one thing is clear: as a contentious
symbol in the struggle between reformists and conservatives in Iran,
America remains without peer. In legislative elections scheduled for
March 14, conservative supporters of Iranian President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad are attempting to maintain their dominance by appealing to
a sense of nationalism -- specifically touting the president's success
in countering U.S. threats and "intimidation." For their part, the
reformists are playing on the suspicions of many Iranians that
Ahmadinejad's provocations risk too much in the service of too little.
While
the reformists have been distracted in recent days by the usual
controversies over who can vote (the conservative parliament just
passed a bill raising the voting age) and which of their candidates can
run (an unelected government body can toss out any candidate deemed to
be insufficiently "qualified"), the conservatives have, appropriately
enough, had their analytic eyes trained on America.
Here's the revealing close to an otherwise windy tract in the January 5 edition of Iran's conservative Jomhuri-ye Eslami:
"Due
to the continuous failures of the Bush administration in Iraq and
Afghanistan, the circumstance is extremely difficult for the
Republicans inside America. The situation is so dramatic in the
Republican camp that an unknown candidate like [Gov. Mike] Huckabee has
won the internal Republican election [referring to the Iowa caucus].
Huckabee's victory sends this message to Bush and his administration
that they have lost their popularity even amongst their own party
members. The Democrats have also faced a similar situation. Due to
their failure to take the Bush administration into account the people
do not trust the main body of the Democrats anymore. ... The victory of
Obama and Huckabee proves the failure of both leaders of the two main
parties in America and a gradual deterioration of America's power in
general."
The purpose of such agit-prop is unmistakable. To any
voters worried about American reprisal in the face of Iran's nuclear
policy, the message from Ahmadinejad's forces is that the U.S.
electorate is sure to blink first and change political course -- like a
ship in the strait -- as part of an increasing powerlessness.
Therefore, a tack in the direction of Iran's own "agents of change" in
the legislative elections would be not only unnecessary, but the
renunciation of a great victory. In this light, it's not hard to
understand how the decision to instigate some mischief on the Strait of
Hormuz might have been conceived. And while there's no guarantee such
stunts will continue to work on Iran's voters, Iran's conservatives
must privately be weeping over the coming end to the era of such
ready-made propaganda in the Bush 43 years. Just as we no longer have
an analogue for "Kremlinology," so, too, will they be forced to discard
some expired political language at approximately this time next year.
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