By Barrett Sheridan

Last week, the world cheered a little when an Indian warship said it had encountered a Somali pirate “mother ship” in the Gulf of Aden and, after being fired upon, blew it to smithereens. International shippers needed a reason to celebrate. Earlier that week, Somali pirates had captured their biggest prize yet, a Saudi supertanker carrying $100 million of crude, and, with nearly a hundred attempted hijackings so far this year, were making waters around the Horn of Africa about as welcoming as a bed of nails.   

Well, put away the champagne glasses. CNN is now reporting that the sunken “mother ship” was actually a Thai fishing trawler and that, while pirates were in the process of commandeering it, the vessel still had 14 innocent fishermen onboard when it was sunk by the Indian navy. One of them, a Cambodian, spent six days adrift before being rescued by a passing ship. (One other is confirmed dead; the rest are still missing.) The sailor is now recovering in a Yemeni hospital, where he had the chance to inform the Indian navy of their mistake.

The event underscores the difficulty of tracking pirates in waters where they easily blend in with fishing trawlers or other private watercraft. “The bulk of Somali coastal dwellers are still fishermen,” says Peter Lehr, a lecturer in terrorism studies at Scotland’s University of St. Andrews. “They are now caught in the fray and being attacked by western warships. How can you divide a real fisherman and a pirate from one another? They use the same vessels.”

That means recent military operations in the region—the European Union and NATO now have forces there—might not be a very adequate defense against the pirates. So what line of defense is left? The ships themselves. Armed guards aren’t an option, because they’re too expensive for ship owners, and firefights are risky onboard ships carrying two million barrels of flammable crude oil. But there are alternatives. Hanging barbed wire around a ship’s perimeter is a simple way to dissuade would-be boarders. Electrified fences also work, but they’re out of the question on ships carrying volatile cargoes. The Long-Range Acoustic Device, or LRAD, has become popular after it effectively repelled an attack on a cruise ship in 2005; it blasts a deafening wall of sound at targets up to 300 meters away. Fire hoses also do the trick at shorter ranges. Even simply gunning the engines and picking up speed can deter pirates, who look for easy prey.

It’s worth trying anything to avoid being taken hostage. Although the Somali pirates, which are currently holding 300 hostages, treat their captives fairly well—they are, after all, worth a lot of money to them—negotiations can last weeks or months. The MV Faina, a Ukrainian ship carrying 33 Soviet-made tanks, was captured in late September and is still being held in the port of Eyl, in the Puntland region of Somalia. “These guys are very patient people,” says Stephen Askins, a maritime lawyer at London firm Ince & Co. “One guy may be having a bad day and he’ll say, ‘I want $5 million,’ and the next guy might say, ‘Well, I’m a bit more reasonable than that.’ It’s not like buying a car. It’s a very long, drawn out process.”

Venezuelan strongman Hugo Chávez's heralded Bolivarian Revolution is about to undergo a severe test. And to hear if from the pollsters, investors and anyone else who read the tea leaves in Latin America, the hemisphere's ranking Comandante is heading for a drubbing.

This Sunday, Nov. 23, Venezuela will hold regional elections that will be key to the country's--and Chávez's--political future. Some 17 million voters are eligible in balloting that will elect governors in 22 of Venezuela's 23 states, 328 of 335 mayors and more than 200 state legislators. Though the presidency is not up for grabs, Chávez is stumping the country like his career depended on it, inaugurating public works, blitzing the radio waves with pro-government messages, and holding forth from balcony to balcony.

Such hyperactivity is not unusual for El Comandante, a charismatic populist who has ruled with one hand on the microphone and another on Venezuela's purse strings. But given the parlous state of the Venezuelan economy, there is a new edge to the official frenzy.

If the pundits are correct, Sunday's vote will be fractured as never before between Chávez's supporters and foes. Polls project Chávez's candidates will lose in perhaps half the 22 state contests, including the vital industrial heartland of Carabobo, oil-rich Zulia, and right under his nose, in Sucre, which includes the capital of Caracas. Most of the rest of the governor's races are too close to call. That may not sound like a disaster. But for a man used to wading through adoring crowds and leaving his foes choking in the dust, a split decision amounts to a reversal of fortunes.

It's not hard to see why. Chávez's star has been dimming since last December, when he lost a referendum (his first defeat at the ballot box in 12 elections since taking power in 1998) to rewrite the country's constitution with dozens of amendments, including one that would abolish term limits for the presidency. At the same time, economic mismanagement produced high inflation and food shortages, while crime spiked in Caracas. The drop in oil prices also threatens Chávez's generous social programs, all financed from the bounty of PDVSA, the mistreated state oil monopoly.

Don't count Chávez out yet. Though no longer a rock star, he still retains a certain amount of charm among the poorest Venezuelans. He  boasts the support of more than 60 percent of his compatriots. However, 54 percent also say they do not trust him. "This is a very strange situation," says Walter Molano, head of BCP Securities, an emerging markets investment bank. "Venezuelans may like Chávez, but they don't trust him."

No matter how the ballots are counted on Sunday, one outcome is not in question. Both sides will claim victory.

South Africa tries a novel method to promote HIV testing.

By Jesse Ellison

South Africans are no strangers to AIDS awareness campaigns. Billboards urging testing and posters promoting condoms and abstinence line the roadsides. They're there for good reason: the country has the highest incidence of HIV positive citizens of anywhere in the world; in some areas 40 percent of people are infected. But despite those numbers, and despite the campaigns, only about 2 percent of South Africans have ever even been tested. "There are a lot of campaigns out there, and a lot of different messages. But the messages are so generic," says digital media consultant Gustav Praekelt. "It's like, 'You must get tested.' Well, then what?" Praekelt's organization, the Praekelt Foundation, a South Africa-based non-profit that uses mobile technology to combat the impacts of poverty, is now trying an unlikely medium to make the message stand out: text messaging.

By Fasih Ahmed

Lahore -Reactions in Pakistan to America’s historic presidential elections run the gamut from enthusiastic approval, especially among the country’s educated young, to outraged disbelief, especially among Pakistanis who remember Obama as the presidential candidate who vowed to send troops into Pakistan if Osama Bin Laden were pinpointed and the Pakistani government failed to capture or kill him.

"I am really happy and excited for America today!” said Anum Sohail, a social worker. “It’s commendable what they’ve done, it’s history we can all learn from.” She said it was unfortunate that Obama didn’t allow himself to be photographed with Muslims on the campaign trail. “But anti-Islam sentiment is so high there that I guess he had to be careful,” she said. She did not expect U.S. policy toward Pakistan to change under President Obama. “It’s shameful how our leaders have made us so dependent on the U.S.,” said Mujeeb Shah, 38, a bookstore checkout clerk. “Obama will not change the U.S. policy of invading and killing Muslims,” he said. “America should leave us alone and respect our sovereignty!”

Nairobi- Barack Obama’s victory was greeted with unbridled joy in Kenya, the east African country that has claimed him as one of their own. From the lakeside village where his late father grew up and many of his relatives still live, to the capital, Nairobi, Kenyans stayed up all night to watch the results, which were broadcast on state television. The victory celebrations, which began at 7am local time when the polls closed on the west coast, continued all day.

The new president’s step-grandmother, Sarah Obama, told reporters she might visit Washington for the inauguration but hoped that her life would not change too much.Despite visiting the country on just three occasions, Obama has become Kenya’s biggest star. His toothy grin beams out from the back of Nairobi’s matatus, the ramshackle 14-seater minivans used for public transport. Street hawkers peddle home-made Obama merchandise including t-shirts bearing the slogan ‘Yes we can’ and dollar bills emblazoned with the President-elect’s face.

Crocker addressed the question many Iraqis, as well as American troops and expatriates, have: “What will Obama do about Iraq?” In America, the ambassador assured, “We have one president at a time” and George W. Bush will be president for the next two and a half months. “We will have full continuity of unity and purpose as we move through our transition.” In other words, it will be, at least for now, business as usual – in this case nation-building in Iraq. The reassurance was vague and general, but few expected more. In Baghdad, the landmark election of Obama is being celebrated by most, but few are under any illusions that it will change much of anything.

By Karen MacGregor

Durban - People across Africa danced with jubilation as Barack Obama swept to victory in yesterday’s remarkable election, and were moved to tears by the victory speech of the man who will soon become America’s first black president. From Cape Town to Timbuktu, people sat up overnight watching television and huddling around radios, or woke at dawn to learn that the man they claim as a son of Africa had become the worlds most powerful leader.

In Kenya, people celebrated in the streets of Nairobi and in the western village of Kogelo, home of Sarah Obama, grandmother of the man they consider a hero, and whose face graces billboards and busses. President Mwai Kibaki declared Thursday a public holiday so that people could celebrate the first Kenyan in the White House. “This is a momentous day not only in the history of the United States, but also for those living in Kenya,” Kibaki said.

Seoul- South Koreans have mixed feelings about Obama’s election. On the one hand, they expect Obama to reduce tensions on the Korean peninsula by engaging in dialogue with North Korea, as he promised many times during his campaign. Unlike President Bush who refused to talk to Pyongyang during the first six years of his term, Obama is likely to try and resolve the North’s nuclear weapons program. On the other hand, they worry that Obama’s protectionist stance could hurt the Korean economy, which depends heavily on trade. The Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement has to be ratified by the U.S. Congress as well as the Korean National Assembly, and experts in Seoul fear the new Democratic administration in Washington may not be enthusiastic it. Obama has said the FTA is unfair in that Korea exports hundreds of thousands of cars to the United States and buys only a few thousand American cars every year.

By Kevin Peraino and Nuha Musleh

Jerusalem- For Israelis, Obama’s victory was bittersweet. At a number of key moments over the past eight years—including during the second intifada and the 2006 Lebanon war—the Bush Administration stood squarely behind the Jewish state. Despite increasing disillusion with Bush’s “freedom agenda,” many Israelis were unwilling to turn on what they saw as a steadfast ally in the Republican party. “Bush was very good for [Israel],” says Shai Bazak, a former aide to Likud leader Benjamin Netanyahu. “I know they don’t like him in the States, but he’s very popular here.” Still, he added, “I don’t think this president is going to change a lot. Israel is the least of his problems.” Reaction in the Israeli press was mixed; at least some government officials grumbled that Obama was an unknown quantity and worried that he might soften the American position toward Iran. For the most part, though, Israelis took the news in stride. “It’s safe to assume that Obama will not abandon Israel,” wrote Aluf Benn in Wednesday’s editions of Israel’s Ha’aretz newspaper.

By Tracy McNicoll and Ginny Power

Paris- The reaction to Obama’s victory among the political classes and people on the street was one of explicit joy, hope, and a sort of open affection for American founding values that had gone into hiding through the Bush years. Some people did, however, wonder aloud whether Obama could live up to the exceptional hopes vested in him worldwide.

By Tracy McNicoll and Ginny Power

After eight years of George W. Bush, the French press could be forgiven for going overboard the day after Barack Obama's victory in the polls.

The left-leaning daily Libération’s chief Laurent Joffrin published a fawning editorial: “At last, hope! Out of thanks, for an hour, for a day, let’s not be blasé, or prudent, or skeptical.” “After this already historic November 4, let us admit that we are, almost all, taken by a sentiment of happiness. For an hour or a day, let speak this enthusiasm that is spreading across the planet. For a few hours now, Americans have had hope; for a few hours now, the entire world has felt better. Happiness? A new idea in America.”

By Barrett Sheridan and Fred Guterl 

The most common reaction across the world to Barack Obama’s Tuesday night victory was a simple one: “Thank you.” It was a sentiment directed not at the president-elect himself, but at the American people. Having felt abandoned by the United States for so long, and especially after the 2004 reelection of George W. Bush, people across the world saw Obama’s victory as an affirmation that yes, America still does represent something special. Nelson Mandela, in a congratulatory letter to Obama, perhaps summed it up best: “Your victory has demonstrated that no person anywhere in the world should not dare to dream of wanting to change the world for a better place.” It was also a good excuse to celebrate. Kenya, the home of Obama’s father, declared a national holiday, and Brazilians proclaimed a new era of "esperanza". The few disappointed by the final tally—a dour-looking Tory in London, some security-conscious Israelis—did little to dampen the global celebration.

Parisians reacted with enthusiasm and relief to the news, some of them turning on a dime to become Amero-philes. And the French newspapers, after 8 years of George W. Bush, might perhaps be forgiven for getting a little tipsy on Obama.

Our team of foreign correspondents has cavassed the globe for the morning-after reaction to this historic election. The event was cause for celebration and contemplation in London, Paris, Jerusalem, Seoul, Durban, Lahore, Tokyo and Rio.

London - The hot ticket in London last night was the Election Night party at the American embassy, and there was plenty of competition elsewhere, with festivities at pubs, clubs and restaurants, especially ones with an American theme in a town with 250,000 expats.   Some 1,500 guests packed into the crowded chancery on Grosvenor Square.  The embassy staged a determinedly bipartisan affair, but efforts to divide the crowd into Republicans Abroad and Democrats Abroad—both groups are active in Britain—were swamped by a preponderance of Obama followers.

There was plenty of Americana on display, and no small amount of  kitsch.  Once past the concrete bomb barriers, guests were greeted with a group of cheerleaders doing acrobatics and assembling human pyramids; they were the called the Eagles, and actually hailed from East London.  Inside, wine was dispensed at half a dozen bars and by squads of waiters who oozed through the crowd.  Cartloads of Budweiser were rolled in and before long the well-lubricated crowd was making such a din that it was impossible to hear most of the many plasma TV monitors placed throughout three floors.  One lady worked the crowd dressed as the Statue of Liberty, and a young man with a carefully trimmed Mohawk had an American flag painted on the right side of his head.  A “barbershop choir” of a couple dozen ladies—traditionally embassy and American military wives, but nowadays mostly Brits—sang bravely but hardly a note could be heard.  In the basement, a folk rock band, also British, sang Bob Dylan numbers, and between songs made rude remarks about  George Bush and Dick Cheney.  At the opposite end of the room, Burger King was tossing Whoppers into the crowd faster than anyone could eat them, and Subway so many sandwiches ready there wasn't even a queue.

By Abbas Poptani

British interest in this election has been unprecedented in both its intensity and innovation. Barack Obama campaigners canvassed expats at London’s famed Caribbean street party, the Notting Hill Carnival, in late August, while budding politicos from the Labour and Conservative parties flew into North Carolina and Ohio respectively for last-minute battleground efforts.

The fervor came to a head Tuesday as mock elections were held at universities, colleges and bars across the land. From the winding streams and dreamy church spires of Oxford to thriving nightspots in London’s touristy Leicester Square and the trend-setting East End, academics and young partygoers alike joined in the action. The Oxford Union, founded in 1823 as the independent debating chamber for Oxford University students, hosted a cheerfully boisterous election night more Hogarth than high-tech. Historic libraries were turned into makeshift taverns for the night as students held lively mock debates in character as presidential candidates. Students were so convinced of a devastating landslide in Obama’s favor that the practice of vote-counting for their mock election was deemed an unnecessary inconvenience.

At the University of Edinburgh, Obama won 85 percent share of the Edinburgh vote. John McCain finished third with 3 percent behind the surging Green Party’s 12 percent (never mind that the Greens aren’t a real player in national American politics). Betsy Super, former John Kerry activist and organizer of the “You Decide!” event, suggested that the exceptional level of British interest in the election stemmed from “a distaste for the Bush era” and the “yearning for change” amongst Britons.