On Wednesday the New York Times began a new blog written by correspondents in the paper's Baghdad bureau. The blog is billed as a chance for readers to discover stories from Iraq that lay beyond the spatial and stylistic constraints of traditional newspaper stories. Thursday's post offered up a great look at a story that's become vastly underreported as the war continues: the American soldier. Politics, sectarian strife, diplomacy, and infrastructure concerns have all but superseded any meaningful embedded coverage, in the mainstream media at least.

Enter Thursday's post: a look at how a unit of Army soldiers spend their nighttime moments when the work day is through. This passage is very telling, and right on. Nighttime, in those last minutes before a soldier falls asleep, is virtually the only moment he or she has alone:

For these soldiers, the day is spent as one — one platoon, one mission, a single role for each soldier with a collective goal to make the operation work.

I have found that something unique happens when you are with soldiers at night.

Then, when the job is done and there is no more light to work by, they can finally rest. While some choose to sleep, some play video games, some eat and some simply think. The only time they can disband from one another is at night. When the closest thing to quiet and privacy comes, they take it.

For a wonderful series of accompanying photographs click here.

These officers see a military apparatus severely strained by the grinding demands of war. Sixty percent say the U.S. military is weaker today than it was five years ago. Asked why, more than half cite the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the pace of troop deployments those conflicts require. More than half the officers say the military is weaker than it was either 10 or 15 years ago. But asked whether “the demands of the war in Iraq have broken the U.S. military,” 56 percent of the officers say they disagree. That is not to say, however, that they are without concern. Nearly 90 percent say that they believe the demands of the war in Iraq have “stretched the U.S. military dangerously thin.”

• Presidency: 5.5 (16 percent had no confidence at all)
• CIA: 4.7
• State Department: 4.1
• Veterans Administration: 4.5
• Department of Defense: 5.6
• U.S. Congress: 2.7

Above all, though, the officers are clear that the chances for victory do not rest on the shoulders of the military alone. Nearly three quarters of the officers say the United States must improve its intelligence capabilities—the highest percentage of any of the choices offered. Active-duty officers and those who have retired within the past year give a much higher priority to nonmilitary tools, including more robust diplomacy, developing a force of deployable civilian experts, and increasing foreign-aid programs.

I heard from a Army captain, who was the head of a rifle platoon, supposed to have 39 men in a rifle platoon. Ended up being sent to Afghanistan with 24, because 15 of those soldiers had been sent to Iraq. And as a consequence, they didn't have enough ammunition; they didn't have enough humvees.

They were actually capturing Taliban weapons because it was easier to get Taliban weapons than it was for them to get properly equipped by our current commander in chief. Now that's a consequence of bad judgment, and you know, the question is on the critical issues that we face right now who's going to show the judgment to lead.

I talked this morning with two friends who led rifle platoons in Afghanistan. Both confirmed to me that they did, at times, use captured or found weapons or ammunition. One relayed the story of mounting a Soviet 12.7mm heavy machine gun (the equivalent of a U.S. .50 caliber machine gun) on his HMMWV because it was too difficult to get the spare parts needed to fix their G.I. (government issue) .50 cal. Another told me his platoon carried AKs anytime they patrolled with their Afghan counterparts, and that it was always much easier to get 7.62mm ammo for the AKs than to go through the U.S. bureaucracy for ammunition requisition.

They also didn't have the humvees they were supposed to have both before deployment and once they were in Afghanistan, the Captain says.

"We should have had 4 up-armored humvees," he said. "We were supposed to. But at most we had three operable humvees, and it was usually just two."

So what did they do? "To get the rest of the platoon to the fight," he says, "we would use Toyota Hilux pickup trucks or unarmored flatbed humvees." Sometimes with sandbags, sometimes without.

The new law puts the onus on the Defense Department to ensure family readiness programs are “comprehensive, effective and properly supported,” and that this support is continuously available to all military families — National Guard and reserve, as well as active duty — in peacetime and in war, and during periods of force structure change and relocation of military units.

Denis Leary, director of Massachusetts Veterans Inc., says his shelter is not serving a single Iraq war veteran. But the counselors see an increase in nightmares, delusions and flashbacks among vets of other wars, possibly because of memories revived by news from Iraq.

For most people most of the time, however, Iraq seems less like a war than a rumor of war.

"Gone are the yellow ribbons, gone are the flags flying everywhere so crisply and the banners on the overpasses," says Daniel Brennock, a retired Navy captain. "No one remembers the war until they sit down at 6:30 and watch the news."

Okinawans have complained about crime, crowding and noise brought by the troops for many years. Protests in the 1990s forced the closing of a Marine air station, and now a plan to build a new airstrip on the island has stirred persistent opposition.

Over the past week, Okinawan lawmakers have passed resolutions demanding tighter discipline among American troops, and groups have held several protests. In the latest demonstration, some 300 people held a meeting on Tuesday in the town where the rape is alleged to happened.

McCain echoed Bush and Cheney’s talking points that the U.S. would only be in Iraq for a short time.

McCain said winning the war would be “easy.”

Senator McCain has constantly moved the goal posts of progress for the war – repeatedly saying it would be over soon.

Senator McCain opposed efforts to end the overextension of the military that is having a devastating impact on our troops.

John McCain is a true war hero, and we all respect his service. I don't doubt for a second that he cares for our troops. But, every time he opens his mouth, I'm less and less convinced that he realizes how dangerous his off the cuff words would imperil our men and women in harm's way, and our national security, if he said them as President.

News of death is rarely greeted with enthusiasm, but Tim McCoskey said he got a good feeling when he learned the terrorist who helped plan the bombing of a Marine barracks in Beirut in 1983 had been killed.

“At least he can go to hell now,” said McCoskey, 44, of Elloree, S.C.

“Being raised Catholic, I fear [it’s] a sin to welcome another human being’s death, but in Imad Mughniyeh’s case, I’ll make an exception and take my chances in the confessional,” said Glenn Dolphin, 50, of Aiken, S.C.

“I have to believe that the man upstairs is dealing out justice now, and for Imad Mughniyeh it not going to be pretty,” he said.
 

Craig Renshaw, 45, called Mughniyeh’s death “payback.”

“He got what’s coming to him and he got the same thing he did to others,” said the former lance corporal, who lives in Folkston, Ga.


Alan Opra, 43, said he considers Mughniyeh’s death to be poetic justice.

“I was happy that he died the way he died because he died in a car bomb and he orchestrated a truck bomb, so it was like karma,” said Opra, of Harrison Township, Mich., and a lance corporal at the time of the attack.

The Army's 10th Mountain Division located in Fort Drum, NY, has been the most deployed unit since the 9/11 attacks. A new report highlights an inadequate system in place at the Army base for treating soldiers with mental health issues. The report, published by the advocacy group Veterans for America, said soldiers can wait more than a month before seeing a proper health care worker.

Fort Drum is located near the Canadian border. Its remoteness and harsh winter weather doesn't exactly provide the most uplifting setting for soldiers recently back from combat tours in Iraq. Veterans for America notes this as the report begins, offering a glimpse into the setting where PTSD can begin to surface among veterans:

Generally speaking, winter conditions at Fort Drum are dreary, with snow piled high and spring still months away. More than a dozen Soldiers reported low morale, frequent DUI arrests, and rising AWOL, spousal abuse, and rates of attempted suicide.  Soldiers also reported that given the financial realities of the Army, some of their fellow Soldiers had to resort to taking second jobs such as delivering pizzas to supplement their family income.

The report illustrates an atmosphere where lack of trained mental health professionals, combined with a military culture of keeping things to one's self, can leave many veterans going untreated. As the systems stands now, soldiers can easily provide false information on questionnaires designed to seek out those who need counseling. The most common way a soldier can received treatment is through self-referral. Furthermore:

In meeting with Fort Drum Soldiers, VFA found a number of disconcerting examples of inadequate mental health care at Fort Drum. Some Soldiers reported that the leader of the mental health treatment clinic at Fort Drum asked Soldiers not to discuss their mental health problems with people outside the base. Attempts to keep matters “in house” foster an atmosphere of secrecy and shame that is not conducive to proper treatment for combat-related mental health injuries. 

The New York Times profiled Eli Wright, 26, an Army medic based at Fort Drum. He described common episodes of flashbacks and shot nerves as routine occurrences. 

Mr. Wright said he waited weeks at Fort Drum to see a mental health professional, who diagnosed post-traumatic stress disorder. He was prescribed medication and pointed toward group therapy, where, he said, “half the time the group is staring at the floor.” At times, he was taking two pills at once. “I couldn’t stay awake,” he said.

A few weeks ago NPR broadcast a lengthy report in which it detailed a number of the same issues outlined in today's report.  One soldier said he felt like he'd been tossed aside like a pair of worn-out boots. Last week Army Surgeon General Eric Schoomaker was interviewed by NPR about what was detailed in its initial story:

NPR: What do you say to these people who've had less help with their paperwork because of what you've described as a misunderstanding?
SCHOOMAKER: So far — you're giving me new information, I wasn't aware that anyone has not gotten the best advice. If anyone out there feels that they didn't get the best advice, they need to come forward and let us know about that.

Meanwhile, last Friday 19-year-old Pfc. Jack Sweet, a Fort Drum soldier, was killed by a roadside bomb in Iraq.
 

The fifth anniversary of the start of our war in Iraq is a little more than a month away. There will be retrospectives looking back to those early days of shock and awe, in addition to news analysis and the nation's self-reflection. Even a month out from the anniversary, conversations about the upcoming day seem to revolve around the same theme: "can you believe it's already been five years?"  It is a sobering thought.  And even if you believe in the war, or are staunchly at odds with its premise, five years is a unit of time to view not so much in length, but in the various phases that occurred.

The summer of 2003, as I saw it, was a honeymoon period. The optimism for Iraq's future still ran high (at least in some circles), and at the same time I could see questionable expressions on the faces of Iraq's citizens as we patrolled past them. No one knew how it would all play out. Personally the fragile tensions that held together a shaky peace ended on November 12, when a suicide bomber destroyed the building in An Nasiriyah that at one time was my platoon's headquarters.

Homecoming was also different. There were no VA scandals, or talk of PTSD, or advocacy groups comprised of Iraq veterans. We simply came home and quickly immersed ourselves back into civilian life. To watch how that has changed is to examine the evolution of the war in Iraq and on the home front. To ask a veteran about his or her experiences in Iraq yields not an overall glimpse into the war, but an occasion to see just one phase of it. This is what needs to be remembered as the anniversary coverage begins. I remember seeing soldiers entering Iraq July 2003 and feeling bad for them. They'd missed the defining war of our generation. They would spend a few months in post-invasion mopping up, and go home on the tail end of the operation. Of course, the irony in this cannot be overstated.

We have enough perspective over five years to eschew generic "looks back" for a more nuanced analysis of how our country has fared over this time. It must be broken into phases: the invasion, the time surrounding 2004's battle for Fallujah, the grinding years of 2005 and 2006, the Abu Ghraib and Haditha investigations, and the controversial surge plan that's brought us to this point. At home the fascination with the invasion's pyrotechnics has given way to simply reading of the daily casualty figures ticking away over the news wires. There's also the trends in media coverage to consider, the heightened focus of home front veterans issues, and how artistic mediums have sought to portray the war and inform us.

Looking back on the fifth anniversary means not so much seeing what happened, but understanding how we got to where we are today, and how driven we are to look at Iraq not simply as a war, but as a series of distinct eras.

In the chaotic, intense house-to-house gun battles with insurgent fighters during the 2004 Battle of Fallujah, the point man of Lima Company’s 1st Platoon barreled his way through gunfire and exploding grenades...Several times during missions from Nov. 9-11, 2004, Stokes braved enemy fire — “fearless in the face of danger,” according to the Marine Corps — to kill insurgents and enable his platoon to gain control of houses...On Nov. 17, 2004, after a grenade exploded near him, wounding him, the private managed to continue to use his weapon so the fire teams could reassemble and launch a counterattack.

His work ethic and attitude prompted us to ask, almost beg, for his promotion. No matter what our argument (“He’s smart,” “He’s got charisma,” “Marines around listen when he talks because he’s dead on with his analysis,” “Give him rank, he’s not the drug pop that we thought we were getting hosed with, he’s making a difference”) the command couldn’t budge around the time restriction involved in his demotion; Pvt Stokes would remain a Private for the rest of the deployment no matter what he did or was capable of.

The first man sees a lot, and a lot rests on his shoulders. The Marines behind him depend on what the point man passes back when enemy contact occurs, the squad leader’s plan is dependent on that flash of information the point man gives. Pvt Stokes found a deadly rhythm as the point man for second squad. Whenever a fight broke out, he would either kill the enemy immediately himself, or if he couldn’t give out a quick situation update so his squad could close with and kill.

“To protect his family from worry, he told them before he left and during his third tour that his ship, the Bonhomme Richard, was stopping at different ports around the world and was not going to go to Iraq,” Leupp said by e-mail. “He had already been through so much during his first two tours. Sean was supposed to just see the world by stopping at different ports. So we thought he was safe during his third and we hoped his last deployment. But not the way we hoped.”

The timing of deaths among WWI's final survivors continues to be remarkable as today the Associated Press reports only one WWI veteran is now alive in the United States.  This comes after the death of Harry Richard Landis, 108, who passed away Monday in a Florida nursing home.  Over the past few weeks this blog has covered the deaths of French and German WWI veterans, as well as the last American commander who fought with volunteers in the Spanish Civil War.  Our ties to that era are disappearing at an alarming rate.  Frank Buckles, 107, is now the final remaining American vet of the WWI era.

As the AP reports, Landis never served overseas but enlisted during wartime in 1918, training as a recruit for 60 days before the armistice came.  Here he recalls his unit's final march as the war ended:

“We went down through the girls college, marching down the street. We got down to the courthouse square and there was a wall around this courthouse. We got to the wall and [the drill instructor] didn’t know what to do and we were hup, two, three, four, hup, two, three, four,” Landis said, laughing at the memory. “Finally, we jumped up on the wall and kept going until we got to the courthouse — hup, two, three, four — and he said dismissed.”

The VA tried to reach out and find other survivors last year, said Jim Benson, VA spokesman. There were a few leads, but nothing panned out.

"I think it's amazing for us to realize that you have this population of individuals who served during the first great war, and at that time, it was the war to end all wars," Benson said. "Soon, we will no longer have a living contact. It will all be from the histories left behind."

The phone rings in the St. Paul office of Maj. John Morris, a chaplain with the Minnesota National Guard and point man in the Guard's effort to “reintegrate” soldiers returning from Iraq.

The caller is a woman from Crookston, wife of a soldier who came home last summer after an extended tour.

“We've been walking on egg shells, and we can't take it anymore,” she tells Morris, her frustration billowing like black smoke from a sabotaged Iraqi oil well.

“The kids come to me for everything, like they've been doing the past two years,” she said, as Morris recalled the conversation. “He doesn't want to spend time with our friends; he thinks their interests are trivial and they don't know anything about what his life has been like.

“He says, ‘I just want to be with my war buddies.' ”

How can we help? Morris asked her.

“Send him back to Iraq.”

"We took a unit that was extremely hostile - especially after their time in Iraq was extended - and they didn't want any help at all.  Soldiers can be very direct, and at first they told us, ‘Hey, this is a bunch of crap. I don't need it.'"

In contrast:

Family members often were more receptive to a helping hand than the returning soldiers were, he said. “They had seen things when the troops were home on leave - things like anger, feelings of isolation. They thought, ‘Boy, this is going to be harder than we thought it would be, pulling this family back together.' ”

Also, family members “had been more exposed to media and had heard stories from other families about soldiers coming back with problems,” Morris said. “They had a better idea of what might be needed.”

 
According to local news reports so far these two contrasting groups are now beginning meet halfway with the help of the National Guard program. Now lawmakers are seeking to make Beyond the Yellow ribbon a model for other states to follow.

• An E-4 with more than three years of service now earns $1,949.10 per month; that would rise to $2,015.40 per month on Jan. 1 under the Pentagon plan.
• An E-7 with more than 10 years of service now earns $3,263.10 per month; a 3.4 percent raise would turn that into $3,374.10 per month.
• An O-3 with more than six years of service now earns $4,763.10 per month; that officer would earn $4,925.10 per month with a 3.4 percent pay increase.

A Hospital
Veterans in the Orlando, FL area are speaking out against what they perceive as the proposed budget's lack of funds for a local VA hospital.  As the Orlando Sentinel reports:

President Bush put $120 million in his proposed budget Monday for the long-awaited Orlando VA hospital, but area veterans said they were disappointed that more of the nearly $600 million needed will not come right away.  Michael Kussman, undersecretary of health at the Department of Veterans Affairs, said $120 million is all the agency needs this year to begin work on the facility...But area veterans are not so trusting after waiting years for a hospital. Orlando is the largest metropolitan area in the country without a VA hospital, forcing veterans to drive to Tampa or Gainesville for care.

"What a disappointment," said retired Air Force Col. Joseph Kittinger, a decorated veteran. "All of the politicians give lip service to the veterans, but that is all it is, lip service." He added, though, that the $120 million "is a start and better than nothing."

Long-term
The Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of America took a long-term look at where it sees facets of the budget allocated for veterans ultimately ending up.

For veterans, the 2009 budget provides $47 billion in funding for veterans’ health care, benefits, and other services. This reflects a modest increase over 2008 levels. However, starting in 2010, the budget predicts sudden (and unrealistic) drops in costs for veterans’ care. The administration’s argument is that the deaths of earlier generations of veterans will reduce expenses, but this line of reasoning fails to account for the dramatic increase in the cost of caring for Iraq and Afghanistan veterans. This will push future budget expenditures up, not down. Like the budget as a whole, the long-term accounting in the VA budget is improbable.

•Increasing the size of the Army and Marine Corps: $20.5 billion, an increase of $8.7 billion or 73%, compared with 2008. This year, the Army would grow to 532,000 soldiers, and the Marine Corps would increase its ranks to 194,000. By 2012, the plan would be complete, with the Army topping out at 547,000 soldiers, while there would be 202,000 members of the Marine Corps.

•Aircraft and weapons: $45.6 billion, a $4.9 billion increase, that would include purchases of fighter planes such as the F-22A Raptor and F/A-18 Hornet and unmanned aircraft like the Predator and Reaper.

•Cyberspace security: The budget shows at least $65 million for research and development projects tied to computer security. Some elements of the effort are secret, and funding levels are not disclosed.

•Pay and health care: $149 billion to increase salaries and fund health care. Military salaries would increase by 3.4%.