A round-up of this morning's must-read stories.
OBAMA'S DELTA WIN
(Richard Wolffe, Newsweek)
Buoyed by an overwhelming edge among African-American voters, Barack Obama cruised to victory over Hillary Clinton
in the Mississippi primary, posting a 54-44 percent margin and teeing
up a crucial showdown in Pennsylvania, the next major contest in the
quest for the Democratic presidential nomination. Obama,
seeking to become America's first African-American president, has
enjoyed strong support from black voters throughout the nominating
process. But here in the Delta Tuesday night, the racial divide was
especially stark. According to exit polls, Obama outpolled Clinton
among black voters 91-9. White voters preferred Clinton by a slightly
narrower 72-21 percent margin. If the outcome and the racial math was predictable, Mississippians did provide a few modest surprises at the ballot box.
RACIAL TENSIONS ROIL DEM RACE
(Ben Smith and David Paul Kuhn, Politico)
The Clinton and Obama campaigns are once again locked in tense fight
over race, as both sides refuse to budge on the question of what
constitutes an offensive comment, and what counts as a sincere apology. The argument over race and grievance could carry short term benefits
for Hillary Clinton, and could boost her support among white voters in
Pennsylvania who may be turned off by a more intense focus on Obama's
race. Barack Obama's promise has been in part based on his dexterity in
moving past the old-fashioned political battlegrounds - including the
politics of race - where he's found himself battling Clinton in recent
days. But a Clinton supporter's charge that Obama has received preferential
treatment because he's black also carries serious dangers for her, as
senior members of Congress and other superdelegates begin to signal
discomfort with the Clinton campaign's increasingly sharp attacks.
Notably, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said Tuesday she thought Clinton's
attacks on Obama had put a joint ticket out of the question.
DEMOCRATS IN A FIGHT TO DEFINE WINNER
(Patrick Healy, New York Times)
With the fight for the Democratic presidential nomination likely to go on for weeks or months, Senators Barack Obama and Hillary Rodham Clinton
are battling to define what it means to be winning — and, in some
instances, they are overstating their own advantage and understating
the gains of the other... The Clinton campaign’s argument that Mrs. Clinton has been winning in
Electoral College battlegrounds falls short somewhat because of Mr.
Obama’s victory in a bellwether state, Missouri, and his success in
states that Democratic officials believe they may have a chance to
carry this fall. These include Virginia and Colorado, which have been
increasingly electing Democrats to statewide offices, as well as
traditional swing states like Iowa... As another counterargument, Mr. Obama has been toting up his victories
to suggest a striking range of popularity in states that usually fall
outside the Democratic electoral map. Yet though these states have
helped give him a lead in pledged delegates, it appears far from likely
that he would be able to carry some of them in a general election.
MCCAIN'S ROLE IN PLANE PACT HIGHLIGHTS TIES TO LOBBYISTS
(Michael D. Shear and Matthew Most, Washington Post)
To show that he's a crusader against wasteful spending and congressional corruption, Sen. John McCain repeatedly brags about his leading role in stopping a scandal-plagued air tanker contract between the Air Force and Boeing in 2004.
Four years later, a $35 billion contract has been awarded to Europe's Airbus
consortium to build the latest generation of tanker planes. The
decision has sparked anger from Boeing's congressional supporters and
critics of outsourcing. It has also focused attention on McCain's
reliance on lobbyists in his campaign for president because his finance
chairman and several other top advisers lobbied for Airbus last year
when it was in fierce competition with Boeing for the Air Force
contract.
MUTUAL CONTEMPT
(Michael Crowley, The New Republic)
It's little wonder that Obama and McCain would be casting each other as
fakers. At the core of each man's political identity is the image of a
reformer determined to take on and reshape the corrupt culture of
Washington, D.C. To Obama, McCain is a fixture of that system, one
whose reform talk belies his debts to the GOP establishment and its
lobbyist machine. McCain, meanwhile, sees Obama as an upstart
self-promoter whose talk about reform isn't matched by a record of hard
work to achieve it. "In a weird sort of way, they're fighting over a
change-and-reform mantle from two ends of the same argument," says Dan
Schnur, a former senior aide to McCain. And that was never more obvious
than in a 2006 clash between the men, well before Obama was even a
candidate. That episode revealed the importance of reform to both men,
but also the pitfalls they're finding as they walk the high ground.
DEMOCRATS IN FLORIDA ARE NEAR PLAN FOR NEW VOTE
(Abby Goodnough, New York Times)
Democratic Party
officials here are close to completing a draft plan for a new mail-in
primary that would take place by early June, a proposal that seeks to
give Florida delegates a role in the party’s presidential contest, several people involved in the discussions said Tuesday. A spokesman for Senator Bill Nelson, a Democrat who has been pushing
for a mail-in contest, said Mr. Nelson expected the Florida Democratic
Party to finalize details of the complex plan as soon as Wednesday. The
state party would most likely submit the proposal to Howard Dean, chairman of the Democratic National Committee, by week’s end.
THE DEMOCRATS, WRESTLING TO NEGOTIATE AN ENDGAME
(Kevin Merida, Washington Post)
The Democrats
are stuck in their own mud. They have no scripted ending to this
titanic battle, no scenario ready for wide embrace. Or any embrace. Or
even a handshake. On one level, the historic competition between Obama
and Clinton has energized the party, boosted primary turnouts, spawned
legions of new voters and campaign volunteers. But on the
let's-get-real level, Democrats have problems even a blind man can see.
Their primaries and caucuses have revealed labor splits, racial and
ethnic splits, gender splits, age and class splits, and a rivalry that
is getting nastier by the day.
CLINTON'S PENNSYLVANIA PLAN
(Amy Chozick, Wall Street Journal)
In the six weeks leading up to the Pennsylvania primary, the Clinton
campaign will blanket the commonwealth with events, recruit thousands
of volunteers and throw strategic attacks at rival Sen. Barack Obama... Campaign staffers say that in Pennsylvania Sen.
Clinton will rely more heavily on volunteers and a more frugal,
homegrown effort. "I wasn't around for Iowa, but I think people in
Pennsylvania want a more personal approach," says state campaign
spokesman Mark Nevins, who joined the staff two weeks ago. Sen. Clinton is expected to host more interactive
roundtable events to talk to voters about the economy -- an approach
that paid off in Ohio, where people have similar economic concerns.
MORE: Pennsylvania Isn't a Lock for HRC (David Paul Kuhn, Politico)
With the support of the state’s political establishment and favorable
demographic terrain, Pennsylvania's April 22 primary is widely viewed
as Hillary Clinton’s to lose. But it’s hardly a lock, especially if Barack Obama can make inroads
with a few key constituencies outside of his reliable base of affluent
whites, liberals, African-Americans and the youth vote.
TWO NIGHTS
(Chris Jones, Esquire)
So on the day before the primary, the tension in the back of the bus
weighed heavy. This was it, and everybody knew it, and McCain was
feeling nostalgic as well as nervous. He talked about the past, and he
asked his staff to mirror, as closely as possible, the final day of his
campaign eight years earlier. He held his one-hundredth town hall in
Peterborough, where he had first dished out ice cream. He made stops in
the same cities -- Keene, Hanover, Concord -- he had stopped in last
time around, ending each of his speeches by saying, "I will never let
you down," perhaps one last jab at the people who had left him for dead
months earlier. Now he listened to the crowds cheering, and he
remembered. He wanted so badly to remember that he made the bus stop in
Portsmouth in the dark -- Portsmouth, where he had held his final event
in 2000 and now did again. He slept in the same hotel room, the
Presidential Suite on the eighth floor of the Crowne Plaza in Nashua.
The next day, he pulled on the same green sweater he had worn back
then; he jingled the pennies in his pocket that he had picked up over
the course of the previous week, but only if he spied them heads up; he
checked the weather and was heartened that there would be drizzle in
the northern part of the state, because rain had been good luck for him
on Election Day.