
Forget my conversation with the sardonic, Southern-fried Fred Thompson. Forget my coverage of the gassy St. Paul protests. And forget my behind-the-scenes profile of the man who's prepping Sarah Palin for the spotlight.
When I returned to New York from Minnesota last week, I discovered over
the course of dozens of conversations with actual human beings that
there's only one question on the minds of people who aren't paid to
obsess over Election 2008: So who's going to win this thing?
Never
mind that my business card says "reporter" and not "Nostradamus." When
I gave an honest answer--"I have no idea"*--people pounced. "What do
you mean you have no idea?" they said. "You've been covering this stuff
for, like, a year." They had a point. So instead of avoiding the
question, I've decided to launch Stumper's postconvention coverage with
an in-depth look at where the race stands right now. Because while
polls are terrible at predicting what will happen two months hence,
they're actually pretty good at showing how people would vote if the
election were held today. (After all, that is the question
pollsters ask their victims.) And judging by the latest stats, the race
has reached its most interesting and perplexing point since... well,
ever.
From the end of the primary season on June 3 until the
shortly before the start of the Democratic Convention late last month,
the Real Clear Politics average--a
blend of the most recent half dozen or so national match-ups between
Barack Obama and John McCain--told an essentially static story: despite
never breaking the magical 50 percent mark, Obama led McCain by a
steady three to six points for months. But two back-to-back
conventions--which typically mark the point when the public begins to
pay attention--have scrambled those jets. After arriving in Denver tied
with McCain for the first time since late May--45.1 percent for Obama
to 43.9 percent for McCain--Obama appeared to depart with a five-point
boost. By Sept. 2, in fact, he was ahead of McCain 49.2 to 42.8--his
largest share of the vote to date and his widest average lead (at 6.4
percent) since late June. Now, however, that lead has been neutralized.
With the festivities in St. Paul finally finished, the race has
reverted to a tie--46.7 to 45.5. Only this time it's McCain who has the
advantage in the RCP average--his first since Hillary Clinton hung up
her spurs.
In other words, McCain--yes, that McCain--is winning, at least on a national level.
Should
Obamans be worried? Absolutely. But that's not because the latest polls
have revealed something shocking about the election. Instead, the new
numbers simply confirm what expert observers knew all along--that the
race would get really, really close once the public finally tuned in.
And before you Democrats start shopping for cyanide--and/or before you
Republicans start booking rooms for Mac's inaugural bash--there are
three caveats to consider.
First, while McCain's convention
bump is real, it's far too early to tell whether he's actually ahead of
Obama. That's because the Real Clear Politics average includes one
poll--the new USA Today/Gallup--that shows something dramatically
different from the rest of the post-convention surveys: McCain leading
54 percent to 44 percent, the largest edge for either candidate since
Obama mounted a few double-digit margins in mid-June. Given that the
two other soundings taken over the same time period resulted in a dead
heat--Rasmussen, 48-47; CNN/ORC, 48-48--it's prudent, for now, to
assume that Gallup is a bit of an outlier until other polls confirm its
10-point split.
The second caveat relates to the reason why
Gallup shows such a wide margin. While most polling outfits at this
stage focus solely on registered voters (i.e., anyone who answers the
phone and is registered to vote), Gallup has also turned its attention
to likely voters (i.e., respondents most likely to show up on Election
Day, according to "how much thought [they] have given to the election,
how often they say they vote and whether they plan to vote in the
election in November"). Screening for likely voters is tricky business,
especially this year. For starters, the old screening models--which
tend to favor tried-and-true Republican demographics--may not apply to
an election in which Team Obama is investing massive resources in
turning out subgroups (young people, African-Americans) traditionally
underrepresented at the polls. But the more important thing to remember
is that shifts in the likely voter pool correspond to fluctuation in
voter enthusiasm--and thus, according to statistical studies, vastly "exaggerate the volatility of voter preferences."
Here's the deal. Thanks to Sarah Palin and the party in St. Paul,
"there has been a very substantial jump in the percentage of
Republicans saying they are more enthusiastic about voting in this
election, from 42% a week ago (after the Democratic convention, but
before the Republican convention) to 60% today," according to Gallup--a
leap that has narrowed the "enthusiasm gap" between the parties from
"19 points in the Democrats' favor a week ago to only seven points
today." Gallup credits McCain's newfound national lead to this burst of
enthusiasm. But the problem is that while the GOP's joviality is an
important development--it means that McCain will have an easier time
turning out his base in November--revved-up Republicans only account
for about 45 percent of the electorate. That's not nearly enough people
to boost McCain to an actual 10-point lead. What a group that size can
do, however--especially when they get excited--is skew Gallup's
assessment of who's likely to vote further to the right than usual. And
that, according to polling expert Nate Silver,
is exactly what they've done: "Republicans, especially evangelical
conservatives, are pumped now, after having been indifferent toward
John McCain for most of the election cycle. They may be picking up the
phone when a pollster calls [where] they had been screening out the
call before, perhaps to the extent that they are biasing the sample."
Case in point: the same Gallup poll shows McCain ahead 50 percent to 46
percent among registered voters--i.e., everyone Gallup called, as
opposed to only the ones who expressed extreme enthusiasm. That's
probably the more accurate result.
Our final caveat?
Presidential election are fought on a state-by-state basis--not in the
national polls. Here, the picture doesn't look quite as rosy for
McCain. According to Real Clear Politics,
Obama currently leads in each of John Kerry's 2004 states, including
top McCain targets Michigan (+4.3 percent), New Hampshire (+0.3
percent), Pennsylvania (+5.0 percent) and Wisconsin (+7.2 percent). He
also leads by healthy margins in a pair of Bush states: New Mexico
(+4.3 percent) and Iowa (+9.0 percent). If Obama can hold these
advantages until Election Day, he'll wind up with at least 263
electoral votes--seven shy of victory. That's where the red states of
Virginia and Colorado come in. At this point, Obama's leading in the
latter (+0.4 percent) and tied in the former. Win either one and the
White House is his. At this point, RCP gives the Democrat 273 EVs
(Colorado, no Virginia) to McCain's 265; the prediction whizzes at
FiveThirtyEight.com are even more optimistic, projecting additional
Obama victories in Virginia and Ohio for a final score of 304 to 234.
Which means that while McCain is "winning" nationally, Obama is ahead
in the electoral college.
That said, we should probably add one
more caveat to the list: no battleground state polls have been released
since the second day of the Republican Convention. If the national
surveys are right and McCain has in fact received a five-point post-St. Paul bounce,
that enthusiasm will almost certainly trickle down. That means that
Obama's narrow leads in New Hampshire and Colorado could vanish, and
that McCain could pull ahead in Virginia. Palin has already taken
Alaska and Georgia (evangelicals) off of Obama's wish list and put Wisconsin, Oregon and Washington--implausibly--on McCain's. If the post-convention state polls fluctuate as much as their national counterparts have, we'll be right back where we began:
With no idea who's winning this thing.*
Check back on Nov. 4.
UPDATE, Sept. 9: A bunch of
post-convention swing-state polls were released yesterday, and as we
predicted, the news is better for McCain than Obama. According to
Rasmussen, McCain has increased his leads in Ohio from five points to
seven and Virginia from one point to two (SurveyUSA confirms the latter
result). Meanwhile, he's managed to cut Obama's advantages in Michigan
from three points to one (PPP) and Pennsylvania from three points to
two (Rasmussen). It's not all gloom and doom for Obama, though. He's
now tied in Florida--at least in Rasmussen's view--after trailing by
two before the conventions, and he's increased his Colorado edge from
one point to three over the same period of time. This doesn't represent
a massive shift in voter preferences, but it probably does show, as
Nate Silver notes, that McCain
"might have gained just a tiny bit of ground in the Midwestern Rust Belt
states" after his convention. The Real Clear Politics map is unchanged.
*These lines previously
originally included the word "effing" as intensifier. After realizing
that more than a few readers were offended by my use of the bloggy
adjective, I decided to edit it out. Personally, I'm no fan of
gratuitous cursing--or near-cursing--and saw no reason not to excise a
spur-of-the-moment inclusion that doesn't really reflect the
way I speak--especially if it was distracting people from the point of
my piece. Thanks for the feedback, Andrew